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But curiously, it was his PhD from New York in an eclectic area called ‘human factors engineering’ that seemed to add an important dimension. He had studied at the MIT’s Sloan School, he had been in top jobs in Wall Street firms like Lehman Brothers, and the Standard Chartered in Singapore. Thiagarajan was able to define it so liberally because of his academic training and wide exposure to the corporate world. But the quartet allowed Thiagarajan to imagine the broadest mandate possible: “I chose to define it as an information technology, human resources and infrastructure platform, which would also involve itself in content management, social media and advertising." For some others, it was big data analysis. For some, it was about social media and communication. The IT wing meant different things to different people.
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It was as an extension of this churn and brainstorming that Stalin created an ‘IT Wing’ in September 2017 and put Thiagarajan in-charge. In such a case, how will people believe him?" During his last two years when he was ill, he did not hand over the party to him. He said: “Karunanidhi himself did not believe Stalin. Palaniswamy taunted Stalin by picking on this chaotic phase in the DMK. On Sunday, 21 March, speaking at an AIADMK election meeting, chief minister E. By the time Karunanidhi passed away, he had a plan." But after the election loss of 2016, Stalin slowly started putting people, including his family members, in their place. Stalin was named successor as early as 2013 but the patriarch wouldn’t hand over control. He had become weak, dependent, and was exploited by 16 different arms of his family.
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He also wanted the quartet to develop clarity about the big ideological questions of the day that the BJP was bringing to the political table in Tamil Nadu.Īn Arivalayam insider explained on condition of anonymity: “The wheelchair phase of Karunanidhi was particularly bad for the party. He urgently needed a brain trust that would help navigate his extended family and advance the plan to modernise the party organisation, besides determining electoral goals. To people watching closely, it looked like Stalin was keeping it within the family, but for Stalin, the hard task was to eliminate multiple power centres inside the large Karunanidhi family of sons, daughters, wives and nephews. This was a casual gathering of trust, and it had to transform and inspire an "ancient party" that was looking almost stagnant and crumbling into something more contemporary and hopeful. It consisted of an anxious Stalin his reclusive son-in-law Sabareesan, who is said to have a sharp political mind his film producer and actor son, Udhayanidhi Stalin and Thiagarajan. When this uncertainty was striking root, a quartet informally came into being inside the DMK. If he did not pay sufficient attention, consolidate, and strategize, then the DMK could lose 2021 like it had in 2016. And that was to make the nucleus of his party, loosely constructed around his leadership, to hold, and to hold well. However, amidst all these challenges in the larger playfield of Tamil Nadu politics, Stalin had a personal challenge too. They wanted their political theism to clash with the perceived ideological atheism of Dravidian politics. The BJP was getting ambitious too, expeditiously declaring the death of the Dravidian parties. Superstars and stars were erecting their own cut outs, fancying themselves as iconic replacements in the quadrangle of power that was being reconstructed. There were new challenges in Tamil Nadu politics. Stalin was in the saddle, but the question was about how firmly he was seated.
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The two icons of Dravidian politics had left, and the vacuum and chaos that they left behind in their respective parties was palpable. Eighteen months after her death, Karunanidhi passed away too. However, within months of its victory, All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagham’s (AIADMK’s) J. Sivaprakasan offered continuity, insight and things that we could not have thought of otherwise." This transfer of data from dog-eared pages to a digital medium turned out to be symbolic of a generational change inside the DMK.Īt that point, the party was not in a particularly happy position. He kept all the data on paper, and the first thing I did was digitise all of it. Thiagarajan himself described this with some exuberance and hyperbole: “It was the greatest meeting in the history of Dravidian infrastructure.